Kargil And Beyond:
Danger of Western intervention in Kashmir
by Prakash Karat After more than a month of intense military operations to clear the Pakistani intrusion across the Line of Control (LoC) in the Kargil area of Kashmir, the battle still continues. The Indian armed forces are working in extremely difficult conditions to dislodge the entrenched Pakistani soldiers and armed intruders in mountainous terrain and icy climatic conditions. Every day casualties are mounting — by June 22 the official report was: 163 dead, 323 wounded and nine missing. The actual toll is higher. The whole country is anxiously watching the course of the battle in Kargil and there is all round support for the immediate task of ensuring that the systematic and well planned violation of the Line of Control by Pakistan is rolled back and the legitimate right of India to defend the LoC is exercised fully. It is this position which has helped India to convince world opinion that the present round of hostilities have been provoked by Pakistan. The diplomatic efforts made towards mobilising international public opinion on this point are a necessary part of the overall drive to foil the Pakistan regime's plan to change the jurisdiction of the Line of Control. Internationalising Kashmir The [BJP-led, right-wing] Vajpayee Government, however, has not confined itself to diplomatic efforts to mobilise international public opinion. It has gone considerably further in its efforts to enlist the help of the United States to end the present conflict. The Vajpayee Government and the BJP [ruling party] have appealed to the US to follow up its stand that the LoC should not be violated, with concrete steps to make Pakistan withdraw its forces from the intruded areas. These moves by the Vajpayee Government have the dangerous potential of internationalising the Kashmir issue. The Government has cited the G-8 communique on the Kashmir issue as a big victory for India. The G-8 statement, while pointing out that the infiltration of armed intruders violating the LoC was the source of the current military confrontation in Kashmir, and criticising any military action to change the status quo, also calls for an immediate cessation of the fighting. This can be used against India for continuing operations against the intruders. Alongside the statement on Kashmir, there is another resolution on the missile and nuclear tests by India and Pakistan reiterating the G-8 position taken one year ago and calling upon both the countries to join non-proliferation measures as set out in the UN Security Council resolution. While it is valid to state that the G-8 has recognised the source of the current provocation as the armed intrusion violating the Line of Control, it is equally important to note that the stance of the G-8 lays the basis for future Western intervention, particularly since the basic question of Kashmir and the issue of nuclearisation of India and Pakistan have been taken together. The US agenda The US administration has clearly indicated that there is sufficient evidence to establish that armed intruders backed by the Pakistan army have crossed the LoC and entrenched themselves. To deduce from this that the United States will come forward to rein in Pakistan and that the earlier tilt towards Pakistan will change to a tilt towards India is illusory. The United States has its own agenda for Kashmir. In the present world situation, the United States is prepared to support the demand for national self-determination by any ethnic group provided it serves US interests. This is the new doctrine enunciated by Madeleine Albright, the US Secretary of State, on behalf of the Clinton administration. This has already been put into practice in the Balkans. Reality of Pakistani regime What the Vajpayee Government overlooked in the crucial period between September 1998 and February 1999, when it was deeply engaged in strategic talks with the United States, was the reality of what the Pakistan regime is today. In Pakistan, increasingly, Islamic fundamentalist organisations like the Lashkar-e-Taiba have infiltrated the higher echelons of the armed forces. Nawaz Sharif's choice of the army chief of staff, after he removed General Karamat, was Pervez Musharaff who, according to Selig Harrison, the American South Asia expert, "has long standing links with several Islamic fundamentalist groups". The rise of Islamic fundamentalist forces and their influence in the Pakistani establishment parallels the US-Pakistan nexus with the Islamic fundamentalist forces in Afghanistan and their joint military support to them. Despite the formal trappings of democracy, Pakistan continues to be a military-dominated set-up with the armed forces increasingly having Islamic fundamentalist linkages. The United States, with its great influence over India's Vajpayee Government, led it to believe that Nawaz Sharif and his civilian Government in Pakistan should be helped to counter the more fundamentalist forces represented by the army. But the years of American nurturing of the military in Pakistan and helping the ISI in Afghanistan have come home to roost. Unlike what the Vajpayee Government believes, there is no guarantee that the US can rein in the Pakistan establishment, even if it wished to do so. Correct approach Instead of falling into the trap of invoking US intervention and thereby internationalising the Kashmir issue, the only correct approach at present is to push ahead with the military operations designed to clear the area on the Indian side of the LoC, of all Pakistani encroachment. This must be pursued steadfastly by taking the people of the country fully into confidence about the progress of the military operations and allied diplomatic efforts. Any move to widen the conflict, by opening up new fronts for military operations, will only end up helping Pakistan to internationalise the Kashmir issue and invite immediate Western intervention. The record of the Vajpayee Government in dealing with the Kargil crisis has so far been dismal. The lack of any vigilance in tracking down the large scale intrusion, the failure to realise the enormity of the encroachment and its military threat, the deceptive and contradictory positions taken to cover up this failure have all been widely noted and commented upon. Last year in May when the BJP-led Government conducted the Pokhran nuclear tests, it adopted a nuclear doctrine which stated that India has now acquired the strength to ensure peace and stability and protect its security interests. Nuclear weaponisation by India and Pakistan was presented as a step for the preservation of peace as it will maintain a "balance of terror" just as during the Cold War. In his statement on March 15, 1999, Prime Minister Vajpayee expounded this new doctrine: "Now both India and Pakistan are in possession of nuclear weapons. "There is no alternative but to live in mutual harmony. The nuclear weapon is not an offensive weapon. It is a weapon of self-defence. It is the kind of weapon that helps in preserving the peace. If in the days of the Cold War there was no use of force, it was because of the balance of terror." As against this, the Left has been arguing that nuclear tests will start an arms race between the two countries leading to a spiral of tension and confrontation. Nuclear weapons will not end armed conflicts but provide the opportunity for low intensity conflicts as happened during the period of the Cold War. Pakistan could utilise the nuclear shadow to provoke intrusions into Kashmir to facilitate international intervention. In deliberately provoking an armed conflict on the Line of Control in Kashmir, Pakistan knows that India cannot utilise all forms of conventional warfare against it, as in 1965 and 1971, without a nuclear confrontation becoming a reality and invoking international intervention. When Pakistan retaliated with its own nuclear tests and India found itself isolated internationally, the Vajpayee Government began its journey of seeking US recognition and approval. Faced with a difficult situation and under US pressure, Vajpayee readily agreed to visit Lahore (Pakistan). The visit to Pakistan and the Lahore declaration was then depicted as a great achievement and a breakthrough in Indo-Pakistan relations. The Lahore visit was portrayed to be a logical result of the Pokhran tests. As the editor of The Organiser (the paper of BJP ally the RSS) put it on March 7, "Barely eleven months in office, Vajpayee has earned a distinct place in the nation's history... Both the nuclear tests and the Lahore visit has shown that it requires inner strength and political will to act, not mere military might or parliamentary democracy." It is these two ideas — that the nuclear tests have made India a great power and that the Lahore visit is a peace dividend from this policy — which created the mindset in the Vajpayee Government to overlook or disregard any possibility of Pakistan behaving in a manner to utilise the new nuclear situation to its advantage on Kashmir. Resort to Chauvinism The BJP is now groping for a new posture; it has fallen back on national chauvinism. Desperate to cover up its monumental failure, the BJP is now resorting to aggressive rhetoric with demands that the military operations should lead to the capture of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK). With this posture it is only one step further to the insane demand that Pakistan be subjected to a nuclear attack as demanded by Panchajanya, the RSS Hindi paper. With this dangerous rhetoric and chauvinism, the BJP will be susceptible to pressure to open new areas for military operations in order to circumvent the difficult task of clearing the intruders from the Drass-Kargil-Batalik sector. Widening the conflict is a danger which can arise from hawks on both sides of the border. This will be a sure recipe for undoing whatever India has achieved in the past six weeks. Such a war provides no guarantee of a successful conclusion for India, except ruin for the peoples of both countries and direct facilitation of imperialist intervention as in the Balkans.* * * People's Democracy, paper of the Communist Party of India (M).