Readers are invited to submit letters to The Guardian.
Letters may be e-mailed to guardian@cpa.org.au.
Letters of 300-400 words are preferred.
Letters to the Editor:
Not outdated
First we must ask the question: Has Richard Titelius ever read any Marx or Lenin? Or if he has: Did he understand it? One of the basic tenets of the ideology put forward by these two great thinkers is that socialism — Marxism — must be built according to the unique conditions that exist in each country. Richard provides us with three examples of international parties who are doing exactly as Marx and Lenin advised! In Venezuela Chavez and the Bolivarian movement must tackle the poverty crisis which grips the majority of the country's people. It must do so under the threat of US-sponsored coup d'etat or even an all-out US invasion. In El Salvador the people have just emerged from decades of mass murder by a most brutal and reactionary regime. The primary function of the FMLN in such conditions would be to re-establish the most basic democratic freedoms and institutions. In Cuba the people are building socialism whilst tackling a 40- year-old international trade embargo that prevents them from importing many of the basic necessities of life, also under the threat of a US invasion. Lenin never said "Establish a copy-cat Soviet Union in your own country". In fact he consistently advised Communist Parties in other countries against doing that. And so the Communist Party of Australia also follows Lenin's advice in its 2001 Congress Political Resolution. It came out of months of analysis by Party members and organisations all across the country, who each offered insight into their local conditions and the level of political consciousness of the Australian people. That document, if Richard has read it, also looks at "the success of the movements for social and political change" overseas. That document applies a Marxist-Leninist analysis and there is nothing outdated about it. Julie Messenger
Sydney
Last week I received a personal letter from the Deputy Prime Minister of Australia, Mr. Anderson. He was "most concerned" about a letter I had previously written which stated that the government had not been given any delegated authority by the people to sell their assets and that the best way to determine wether Telstra should be fully privatised or not was to ask the people at a referendum. I can see no benefit to the people or the nation from the privatisation. It will see our country degenerate further into a form of feudalism not seen since the nineteenth century. The existence of publicly-owned enterprises provides a stabilising influence in terms of costs to the consumers and generally sets the standards that those in the private sector have to meet. It protects the public against the excesses of unrestrained free enterprise, it balances public need against private greed, and it does this because its primary objectives are to provide services to the public, not to generate dividends for shareholders. For many, the cost of insurance in Australia has skyrocketed. Many sporting events and public functions have had to be cancelled because the cost of insurance has become prohibitive. What is the cause of this dramatic escalation in the cost of insurance? Was it the failure of H.I.H., the demutualisation of the NRMA or was it the privatisation of the GIO (Governments Insurance Office of NSW)? The GIO was created in the 1920s by the Labor government of Jack Lang. At that time all the insurance companies were British owned and insurance was unaffordable. In one of his writings, Jack Lang states that even after undercutting the private insurers, it was amazing just how profitable the [GIO] business was. So the people gained affordable insurance and a new public enterprise, but the anti-socialists who maintain that nothing should be publicly owned set about destroying it. In 1933, during the darkest days of the Great Depression a conservative government in NSW attempted to sabotage the GIO. Government-printed letters were sent to all GIO customers stating that their insurance policies would not be renewed. In fact, this action was only a scare tactic, because anybody who bought their policies into the Office had them renewed. However the damage was done and the GIO's revenue and viability declined dramatically during this period. When the McKell Labor Government came to power during WW2, they enacted legislation to make the GIO independent of Ministerial control. It functioned for the people right up to the 1990s, when a conservative Labor Government led by Bob Carr sold it to private enterprise. The mayhem that followed in the insurance industry is a direct result of privatisation. There was a similar effect when the Commonwealth Bank was privatised. When Telstra is fully privatised we should expect no less in the telecommunications industry. The poor standard of service we currently receive will actually get worse. Gary Edwards
Gilgandra, NSW
As the Howard Government relentlessly promotes militarism, nationalism, xenophobia and their natural extension — warmongering, it is instructive to recall the roll of Indigenous Australians in the wars now being glorified. Many Indigenous men fought and died in both world wars. They fought for a country that did not recognise their rights as citizens. Darren Godwell, writing in the Koori Mail (19/11/03) makes some very interesting points that I would like to recount here. He reminds us that the refusal to recognise Indigenous Australians as citizens continued for more than 50 years after World War 1; more than 50 years after the creation of the Anzac legend that John Howard is so fond of conjuring up. Furthermore, when these Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander soldiers came home from the terrible cauldron of conflict they were denied returned soldiers' entitlements. Some were even denied membership of their local RSL branches. These are issues that Mr Howard conveniently overlooks while intensifying his Government's attack on Indigenous rights. In marking Remembrance Day on November 11, the day when conflict was officially declared to be over in World War 1, we should also remember that this war was fought between contending empires for imperialist gain. As Mr Godwell so succinctly puts it, although Australia did not have a stake in the issues involved, our status as a British colony meant the powers in the ruling establishment were determined to commit us to the war: that if England was at war then Australia too was at war. Australia had a colonial mindset, so we sent our youth to fight England's war. Now, almost 100 years later and we have a Government which has committed us to another imperialist war, nothing less than "endless war". This, in spite of millions of Australians taking to the streets to say "NO" to war. Furthermore, racism is still rampant, promoted by the federal government against Indigenous Australians and refugees. Jo Dunleavy
Wodonga
Richard Titelius' attention must be drawn to an example of a Communist Party that did exactly what Richard is exhorting the CPA to do. In the late 1960s and on through the '70s the old Communist Party of Australia abandoned Leninism. It believed that by doing so it would "arise from obscurity and capture the popular will of the people". It abandoned the workers' struggle, and rewrote its ideology so as to appeal to more "fashionable" and "popular" movements of the time. The Party adopted New Left authors of the ilk Richard exhorts us to read to guide them in their struggle. The Socialist Party (as the present CPA was initially called) was established by those brave people who went against this New Left trend and held true to Marxism-Leninism and the class struggle. Where did these diverging paths lead those parties? The "old" Communist Party that adopted the trendy ideologies and policies did not last. It disintegrated as its members, without a solid underlying working-class ideology, splintered into special interest groups. It did not become "popular" and "fashionable" as its leaders supposed. In the end it considered the whole concept of communism outdated, and abandoned the name "Communist" as an embarrassment. It disbanded altogether. The Socialist Party, on the other hand, survived. It weathered the disintegration of the Soviet Union and East European socialism. In 1996 it proudly adopted the name "Communist". Although small, the Party enjoys the respect and admiration among progressive forces for its hard work, and is widely recognised as a genuine, reliable and consistent workers' party. Let's hold to the path of Lenin because it is the only demonstrated — and possible — way to bring about socialism. Jules AndrewsBack to index page
Sydney