The Guardian February 25, 2004


Playing fundamentalist favourites

Jules Andrews

Last week Howard warned Australia's church leaders to stay out of 
"partisan" politics in the upcoming election. The blatant 
hypocrisy of his plea is instantly identifiable. John Howard has 
proudly described himself as the most conservative Prime Minister 
in Australia's history.

This social conservatism is based in his fundamentalist belief in 
Christian supremacy. His continued outspoken support for — or 
condemnation of — different church leaders pits faith against 
faith, congregation against congregation. "I don't deny the right 
of any church leader to talk about anything", he stated.

"But I think, from the point of view of the unity of the church, 
it stresses and strains when the only time they [congregation] 
hear from their leaders is when they are talking about issues 
that are bound to divide their congregations."

"— [when] some of the church leaders have been particularly 
critical of our side of politics, they [can] end up offending a 
large number of their patrons."

When we look at that last paragraph, and substitute the negative 
for the positive, we get a clearer picture of Howard's 
exhortation: "— when most of the church leaders are particularly 
supportive of our side of politics, they will likely be supported 
by a large number of their patrons."

Mr Howard's fundamentalism has left him so myopic he assumes that 
by definition all Christians are fundamentalists and that 
outspoken progressive leaders are not speaking on behalf of their 
congregations and so risk alienating them.

How kind of him to offer such an insight.

Playing the "family" card

Throughout the whole of Mr Howard's time as Prime Minister he has 
stood side-by-side with, and sought counsel and support from, 
Christian fundamentalists who are outspoken in support of his 
policies.

In particular, Howard laps up praise from religious leaders for 
his "defence of the family" policies, by which he means the 
weakening of sex anti-discrimination legislation, opposing 
abortion, opposition to stem-cell research, and against 
recognition of gay relationships.

In 2003 Mr Howard said, "Traditional marriage is one of the 
bedrock institutions of our society and I don't want anything to 
occur that weakens it. Marriage, as we understand it in our 
society, is about children, having children, raising them, 
providing for the survival of the species."

To which the President of the NSW Council of Churches, the 
Reverend Chris Moroney, responded warmly:

"This statement from our Prime Minister shows that he is 
supportive of the traditional views of marriage and the family 
that are the basis on which our society has been built and which 
guarantee its survival. It is encouraging for the churches to see 
this unambiguous stand from the political leaders of this 
nation."

Yet when these very same "family values" are used — often by the 
very same religious leaders — to criticise Mr Howard's policies 
they are condemned as "sounding very partisan".

Numerous Christian faiths have taken Mr Howard and his Government 
to task over his anti-family policies — on welfare, Indigenous 
rights and refugees.

"Cheap headlines"

When churches helped organise and participated en masse in last 
year's anti-war demonstrations they became part of Mr Howard's 
reviled "mob".

Anglican Primate, Dr Peter Carnley, suggested last year that the 
terrorist attack against Australians in Bali was in response to 
Australia's outspoken support for the United States and 
particularly its preparedness "to take unilateral action against 
Iraq."

Foreign Minister Alexander Downer came in swinging: "Here was the 
head of my own church — blaming the Australian Government for 
bombing incidents in which so many of our people were killed or 
terribly injured".

"It was a stark reminder of the tendency of some church leaders 
to ignore their primary pastoral obligations in favour of hogging 
the limelight on complex political issues —" 

Downer continued: "I will always defend the right of the Churches 
to enter the political debates of our time.

"But they have special responsibilities —. Too often, it seems 
to me, the Churches seek popular political causes or cheap 
headlines".

Mr Downer is clearly saying "Join in the political debate when 
you agree with the Government, butt out when you don't".

The Lyons' den

It is no secret that Howard leads a Government stacked with 
members of the conservative right-wing Christian faction "The 
Lyons Forum".

While Mr Howard is not officially a member of the Forum, a quick 
check of his front bench indicate where his loyalties lie. Lyons 
members include Tony Abbott, Peter Costello, Alexander Downer, 
David Kemp, Warren Truss, Eric Abetz, Nick Minchin; and prominent 
former ministers John Herron and Jocelyn Newman.

The Government's policies on sex discrimination legislation, 
abortion, stem-cell research, euthanasia and homosexuality are 
dictated by the Lyons Forum Charter.

While Mr Howard goes to some trouble to hide his fundamentalist 
outlook, comments by his fellow travellers leave us in no doubt.

The helpful Mr Downer again: "We're sincere about the faith that 
nurtured Western Civilisation. It's because of our beliefs that 
we tend to see public life as a vocation — a calling—"

In short: "We have been called by God to mould Australian 
society, and our policies have His blessing".

Ultra-right-wing fundamentalist, the Reverend Fred Nile, has no 
trouble identifying his allies: "We congratulate Prime Minister 
John Howard on his outstanding victory — and his re-election as 
Prime Minister.

"Now John Howard and his government can continue to lead 
Australia as a caring, Christian nation, whilst strengthening our 
Christian heritage, Christian values and the God-given unit of 
the family, ensuring the future of Australia as a united nation 
under Almighty God."

People in high places

Mr Howard's appointment of Brisbane Archbishop Peter Hollingworth 
to the post of Governor General has been treated to the glare of 
the public spotlight.

What is little known is that Peter Hollingworth did not resign as 
Archbishop to take up the Governor General post, he merely 
stepped aside from the church post for the duration of his 
secular one.

Despite all Mr Howard's protestations to the contrary Australia, 
technically, had an ordained Anglican Archbishop as head of 
state.

In the welfare field, the extremely conservative Major Brian 
Watters from the Salvation Army has been appointed as chairman of 
the Australian National Council on Drugs. Mr Watters' fanaticism 
on the issue even extends to a "zero tolerance" approach to 
alcohol.

It has been under Major Watters counsel that John Howard has 
instituted his "war on drugs" policy. This black-and-white policy 
has resulted in an "abstinence or jail" outcome for addicts.

Such a narrow view fails, conveniently, to recognise the 
fundamentals of drug addiction: lack of education, lack of health 
care, poverty, unemployment and homelessness — all of which have 
become hallmarks of Mr Howard's reign.

John Howard has not just blurred the line between church and 
state, it is his stated mission to promote and impose his own 
religious views on the Australian public using the power at his 
disposal through the state apparatus.

Nonetheless, by hand-picking and promoting his fundamentalist 
favourites — Cardinal Pell, Archbishops Jensen and Hollingworth, 
Reverends Fred Nile and Gordon Moyes, and Major Brian Watters — 
and dismissing, attacking and denigrating religious leaders who 
speak against him, Howard is fuelling a new religious schism, 
just has his reactionary government has sharpened the 
contradictions and widened the inequalities in our class-divided 
society.

Back to index page