America's empire of bases
Chalmers Johnson As distinct from other peoples, most Americans do not recognise - - or do not want to recognise — that the United States dominates the world through its military power. A vast network of American bases on every continent except Antarctica actually constitutes a new form of empire. Our military deploys well over half a million soldiers, spies, technicians, teachers, dependants and civilian contractors in other nations. To dominate the oceans and seas of the world, we are creating some thirteen naval task forces built around aircraft carriers. We operate numerous secret bases outside our territory to monitor what the people of the world, including our own citizens, are saying, faxing, or e-mailing to one another. Our installations abroad bring profits to civilian industries, which design and manufacture weapons for the armed forces or, like the now well-publicised Kellogg, Brown & Root company, a subsidiary of the Halliburton Corporation. Whole sectors of the American economy have come to rely on the military for sales. Seven hundred and more foreign bases It's not easy to assess the size or exact value of our empire of bases. The Pentagon currently owns or rents 702 overseas bases in about 130 countries and has another 6,000 bases in the United States and its territories. Pentagon bureaucrats calculate that it would require at least $113.2 billion to replace just the foreign bases. These numbers, although staggeringly large, do not begin to cover all the actual bases we occupy globally. The 2003 Base Status Report fails to mention, for instance, any garrisons in Kosovo — even though it is the site of the huge Camp Bondsteel, built in 1999. The Report similarly omits bases in Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Qatar, and Uzbekistan. The Pentagon similarly fails to note all of the US$5-billion- worth of military and espionage installations in Britain, which have long been conveniently disguised as Royal Air Force bases. If there were an honest count, the actual size of our military empire would probably top 1,000 different bases in other people's countries. For their occupants, these are not unpleasant places to live and work. Most chores like laundry, mail call, and cleaning latrines have been subcontracted to private military companies. Fully one- third of the funds recently appropriated for the war in Iraq (about $30 billion), are going into private American hands for exactly such services. Where possible everything is done to make daily existence seem like a Hollywood version of life at home. According to the Washington Post, in Fallujah, just west of Baghdad, waiters in white shirts, black pants and black bow ties serve dinner to the officers of the 82nd Airborne Division. Some of these bases are so gigantic they require as many as nine internal bus routes for soldiers and civilian contractors to get around inside the earthen berms and concertina wire. That's the case at Camp Anaconda just north of Baghdad. It occupies 25 square kilometers and will ultimately house as many as 20,000 troops. The military prefers bases that resemble small fundamentalist towns in the Bible Belt rather than the big population centres of the United States. For example, even though more than 100,000 women live on our overseas bases, obtaining an abortion at a local military hospital is prohibited. Since there are some 14,000 sexual assaults or attempted sexual assaults each year in the military, women who become pregnant overseas and want an abortion have no choice but to try the local economy, which cannot be either easy or pleasant in Baghdad or other parts of our empire these days. Our "footprint" on the world Of all the insensitive, if graphic, metaphors we've allowed into our vocabulary, none quite equals "footprint" to describe the military impact of our empire. Establishing a more impressive "footprint" has now become part of the new justification for a major enlargement of our empire. There are "rogue states", "bad guys", and "evil-doers". The Pentagon has identified something they call the "arc of instability", which is said to run from the Andean region of South America through North Africa and then sweeps across the Middle East to the Philippines and Indonesia. This is more or less identical with what used to be called the Third World. No less crucially it covers the world's key oil reserves. Once upon a time, you could trace the spread of imperialism by counting up colonies. America's version of the colony is the military base. Militarism and imperialism are Siamese twins joined at the hip. Each thrives off the other. According to the right-wing American Enterprise Institute, the idea is to create "a global cavalry" that can ride in from "frontier stockades" and shoot up the "bad guys" as soon as we get some intelligence on them. "Lily Pads" in Australia, Romania, Mali, Algeria . . . In order to put our forces close to every hot spot or danger area in this newly discovered arc of instability, the Pentagon is proposing at least four and perhaps as many as six permanent bases in Iraq. Other countries mentioned as sites for what Colin Powell calls our new "family of bases" include the impoverished areas of the "new" Europe — Romania, Poland, and Bulgaria; in Asia — Pakistan (where we already have four bases), India, Australia, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, and even, unbelievably, Vietnam; in North Africa — Morocco, Tunisia, and especially Algeria, and in West Africa — Senegal, Ghana, Mali and Sierra Leone. Most of these new bases will be what the military calls "lily pads" to which our troops could jump like so many well-armed frogs from the homeland, our NATO bases in Europe, or bases in the docile satellites of Japan and Britain. To offset the expense involved in such expansion, the Pentagon has leaked plans to close many of the huge Cold War military reservations in Germany and South Korea. The US has already withdrawn virtually all of its forces from Saudi Arabia and Turkey, partially as a way of punishing them for not supporting the war strongly enough. It wants to do the same thing to South Korea, perhaps the most anti-American democracy on Earth today. In Europe, these plans include giving up several bases in Germany, also in part because of Chancellor Gerhard Schroder's domestically popular defiance of Bush over Iraq. But the degree to which we are capable of doing so may prove limited. The Pentagon's planners do not really seem to grasp just how many buildings the 71,702 soldiers and airmen in Germany alone occupy, and how expensive it would be to build even slightly comparable bases, together with the necessary infrastructure in countries like Romania, one of Europe's poorest countries. One reason why the Pentagon is considering moving out of rich democracies like Germany and South Korea and looks covetously at military dictatorships and poverty-stricken dependencies is to take advantage of what the Pentagon calls their "more permissive environmental regulations". The Pentagon always imposes on countries in which it deploys our forces so-called Status of Forces Agreements, which usually exempt the United States from cleaning up or paying for the environmental damage it causes. For example, the 2004 defence authorisation bill of US$401.3 billion that President Bush signed into law in November 2003, exempts the military from abiding by the Endangered Species Act and the Marine Mammal Protection Act. Grandiose plans There are several reasons to doubt that some of the more grandiose plans will ever be put into effect or, if they are, that they will do anything other than make the problem of terrorism worse than it is. For one thing, Russia is opposed to the expansion of US military power on its borders and is already moving to checkmate American basing sorties into places like Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The first post-Soviet-era Russian airbase in Kyrgyzstan has just been completed forty miles from the US base at Bishkek. By far the greatest defect in the "global cavalry" strategy, however, is that it accentuates Washington's impulse to apply irrelevant military remedies to terrorism. As the prominent British military historian, Correlli Barnett, has observed, the US attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq only increased the threat of al-Qaeda. From 1993 through to the 9/11 assaults of 2001, there were five major al-Qaeda attacks world-wide. In the two years since then there have been seventeen such bombings. As Barnett puts it, "Rather than kicking down front doors and barging into ancient and complex societies with simple nostrums of 'freedom and democracy', we need tactics of cunning and subtlety, based on a profound understanding of the people and cultures we are dealing with — an understanding up till now entirely lacking in the top-level policy-makers in Washington, especially in the Pentagon". But the real reason for constructing this new ring of American bases along the equator is to expand our empire and reinforce our military domination of the world.* * * Abridged from Common Dreams News Center. For full text go to http://www.commondreams.org