Culture and Life
by Rob Gowland
The hand of imperialism
I must say I found the gentlemanly behaviour of the UN peacekeepers in East Timor towards their Indonesian military "hosts" more than somewhat macabre. After the appalling slaughter in East Timor which ABRI, the Indonesian armed forces, had orchestrated and participated in, was all that bonhomie between "fellow soldiers" really necessary? Or did the Australian commanding officer not know that the Indonesian officers he was beaming at had just supervised a second act of genocide in East Timor? Surely he was aware that the massacres, arson attacks and deportations had not been the spontaneous acts of an "out of control" grassroots militia movement fiercely loyal to the pro-Indonesian cause, but a well-ordered exercise to first intimidate and then — when that failed — to destroy the country, its people and its infrastructure. It is already well documented that far from being spontaneous grassroots movements of pro-Indonesian sentiment, the so-called militias were actually organised by and in many cases consisted of para-military units of ABRI that had been operating in East Timor (and doubtless elsewhere in Indonesia) for a considerable time. There was an Indonesian paramilitary unit or team in almost every one of East Timor's 13 administrative districts. The teams worked closely with the intelligence units of ABRI's elite Kopassus forces. The para-military units were in fact an integral part of ABRI's counter- insurgency activities, sowing fear and confusion among the population, and spying on (and helping to capture) pro-independence and anti-Indonesian (or pro-democracy and anti-ABRI) activists. They were recruited, as much as possible, from local people. Although their role was to spy on and harass the East Timorese population, in the best traditions of imperialist psychological warfare they were officially designated "resistance forces". Similarly, they were recruited for "people's defence", presumably to protect the poor East Timorese from the independence guerrillas of FALANTIL, who of course were designated "terrorists" or "bandits". So the mass murders, the torchings, the "ethnic cleansing" of Catholic East Timor was carried out by an integral part of the Indonesian armed forces. In addition to the official para-military units, a number of senior and wealthy former officers had their own private para-military outfits, which they financed themselves. If you're going to act like a gangster you need a gang. The Indonesian military had threatened before the independence ballot that a "yes" vote would mean a campaign of total annihilation of East Timorese society, culture and property. After the ballot, they terrorised the international press into fleeing the country and then, with the press out of the way, set about carrying out their threat. Why? Because elsewhere in Indonesia itself there are people's and territories seeking independence or at least freedom from the domination of a corrupt, power-hungry military. The fate of East Timor would be a warning to the people of Aceh, West Papua, Sumatra, Borneo and elsewhere throughout the archipelago. There are widespread calls for a war crimes tribunal to punish those responsible for the death and destruction in East Timor. But that cannot be limited to the ABRI commanders on the spot. Nor should it begin with these recent events. Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger gave the go ahead for Indonesia's invasion of East Timor by Suharto's army in 1975. One third of the country's population was systematically exterminated after that invasion. A war crime if ever there was one. (Suharto and his family still own some 40 percent of the land in East Timor.) British and US (and Australian) business invested heavily in Indonesia. Britain supplied Hawk fighters and other arms used in East Timor. The US supplied arms and training. Australia provided training for the Indonesian military and recognised their takeover of East Timor. Call me cynical, but I can't see capitalist governments agreeing to a genuine war crimes tribunal investigating events in East Timor. Too many governments and corporations would stand condemned. I expect a token tribunal with limited terms of reference, and almost certainly no reference to 1975. Britain, the US and Australia also played a part in another, even bigger massacre a decade earlier: the slaughter of about a million Indonesian communists in 1965 in the coup that brought Suharto to power. A recent article in the British paper The Observer reminds us that Britain helped facilitate that enormous crime against humanity: "To ensure that one of the great massacres of the century could be executed without the killers being distracted by pressures from abroad, the British Army was pulled back from a confrontation with Indonesian forces in the disputed colonial territory of Borneo." According to the paper, Sir Andrew Gilchrist, Britain's Ambassador in Jakarta, had told the Foreign Office earlier in the year that "a little shooting in Indonesia would be an essential preliminary to effective change". Labour was in office in Britain at the time. Michael Stewart, the Foreign Secretary in Harold Wilson's Government, put forward the view that it was only Indonesia's "economic chaos" that prevented it from "offering great potential opportunities to British exporters". He told Wilson: "If there's going to be a deal with Indonesia... I think we ought to take an active part and try to secure a slice of the cake ourselves."
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