Vic prisons — indictment of privatisation
The Kennett Government's approach to prisons was the same as with all public enterprises and infrastructure — they can and should be privately owned and operated. As such it was seen by conservative forces as a model for the rest of Australia. The electoral revolt against the Coalition Government was, in a large part, a rejection by the Victorian people of this privatisation policy, a rejection of "economic rationalism", which has emasculated services and jobs for one shallow objective: private profit. The private prison system is a prime example of this. Kennett's promises on privatisation were always the same: better services at less cost to government. This "everyone's a winner" argument was always couched in economic terms. It did not take into account the human factors, the actual treatment of prisoners. A few years down the track, it is apparent that private prisons are a serious failure. Recent media reports have highlighted the large number of suicides at Port Phillip private prison, one of Victoria's three new private prisons. An inquest into the suicides is currently under way. As part of the inquest, a government review found that the prison was not following required suicide prevention procedures. The review found that the prison complied with only eight of the 17 required procedures. These details only now come to light after "too many" prisoners have died. At other times, what goes on behind private prison walls is not open to public scrutiny because the Kennett Government-appointed prison monitors do not have to report to Parliament. Part of the alleged lack of supervision has been blamed on staff cuts. Staff have been replaced with video cameras and other forms of electronic security systems that continually monitor where prisoners are. Electronic monitoring, however, fails to deliver the person-to- person human contact between prison officer and prisoner that can detect the warning signs of suicide. Fewer staff, means less human relationship between officers and prisoners and, consequently, a more isolated and oppressive environment. Why doesn't the private employer simply put on more staff? Because fewer staff allows the company running the prison to save on labour costs. Labour costs have also been saved because the staff's pay and conditions have been reduced from what they were in the public prison system. Tougher sentencing laws were introduced that would ensure the prisons were never short of inmates. However, these laws have proved to be too effective at increasing the prison population and the private prisons, not coping with the extra numbers, have had to build pre-fabricated "temporary" accommodation. Another product of Kennett's privatisation paradise was the introduction of commercial confidentiality. This was to ensure that the amount the Government paid in its contracts to the private companies was kept secret. Suddenly the public had no right to know what deals were being struck behind closed doors or where public money was going and how much. Kennett's promises of transparency have proven to be worth nothing. When community legal groups took on the Government to force the release of the details of its prison contracts, the Government fought, and eventually lost, an expensive legal battle to stop the details from being released to the public. The issue of commercial confidentiality was not just about transparency; it was about shifting public perceptions about the role of government and about public ownership. The long-held belief that the state has certain responsibilities towards the security and well being of the people and to provide services was being replaced with commercial rules — services are commodities that are for sale to consumers. The backlash against Kennett has struck a blow against economic rationalism, but has not arrested it. For his "service" to the community, many Victorians would be happy to see Kennett take a well-earned rest inside one of his private prisons and the key thrown away on economic rationalism.
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