The new Great Game:
US imperialism and Caspian Oil
On November 18, 1999, President Clinton was in Istanbul — as four countries signed a major new "intergovernmental declaration of intent". After years of US pressure, intrigue and bribery, the regimes of Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan agreed to build a new 1,200-mile pipeline from the Caspian Sea oil centre of Baku to the ship-loading oil terminals of Ceyhan in southern Turkey. If this pipeline project goes ahead, oil that was once the most valuable resource of the former Soviet Union will reach the world through facilities controlled by US imperialism and its allies. In the 1992 Gulf War, the US tightened its control over Persian Gulf oil. Now the US is determined that any major new oil fields being opened to the world market will also be controlled by the US. Power The US is not interested in Caspian oil to supply its own internal industry. The US is grabbing for control of the Caspian oil fields because other countries need this oil — and because the US wants to control them. Other imperialist rivals — including Germany and Japan — are "energy poor" and need access to oilfields outside their borders. Most Third World countries are heavily dependent on imported oil. Opening up the Caspian Sea oil under US control will also give the US more power over the Persian Gulf and Arab states in world affairs. It will have more power to play oil-producing countries off against each other. In addition, by depriving Russia of any control over these oil fields, the US would be delivering a major blow to the possible re-emergence of Russia as either a socialist or even a capitalist power. For all its fine words, the US ruling class has no intention of allowing Russia to become an imperialist rival, like Europe and Japan. US long-term strategy is for the breaking up of Russia — its Balkanisation. "The US strategy toward Russia is aimed at weakening its international position and ousting it from strategically important regions of the world, above all, the Caspian region, the Transcaucasus and Central Asia" — Russian Defence Minister Igor Sergeyev. The Caspian Sea contains two huge sets of oil fields. One stretches underwater, east of Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan. The other is the Tengiz oilfields — far away on the Caspian's northwest shore in Kazakhstan. In addition there are massive amounts of natural gas scattered throughout the Caspian region. Vast oil reserves The known reserves of Kazakhstan alone are larger than the oil fields of Nigeria or Libya, but the unexplored oil may be as much as five times larger — putting Caspian oil fields in the same league as the fields of Iran or Kuwait. With the success of the Russian Revolution of 1917, the oil-producing countries of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan became republics within the Soviet Union. Their oil was a key resource for the creation of the world's first socialist economy. By 1989, US imperialism had long been plotting to carve off the Soviet Union's whole Central Asian tier of non-Russian republics, and their oil reserves. With the overthrow of socialism, the former Soviet republics of the Caspian region declared independence and US imperialism went into high gear. The British imperialist poet Rudyard Kipling talked of the "Great Game" — the intense struggle during the late 1800s between Russian imperialism and British imperialism to control the resources and people of Central Asia, from Afghanistan to Turkey. After 1989, imperialist planners everywhere started talking about "the new Great Game". Like arrogant conquerors, a consortium of 11 major oil corporations set up outposts on the Caspian. Atlantic Richfield, Chevron, Exxon, Mobil, Pennzoil, Philips Petroleum, Texaco and especially the new Anglo-American "powerhouse" BP Amoco spent billions of dollars buying up Soviet-era oil interests and drilling rights. Political scheming The Clinton White House set up a high-level "interdepartmental working group" — run by the National Security Council — to oversee the larger geo-political US takeover of the Caspian Sea. But the Caspian Sea is landlocked, and far from any of the world's industrial centres. This oil must be transported out of the region by pipeline, through politically explosive and contested areas. Whoever controls the pipelines will ultimately control the oil. Russia proposed to build a new northern pipeline parallel to the old pipeline from Baku to Novorossisk and to expand companion pipelines from Tengiz to Novorossisk. Iran proposed a southern pipeline over its territory — from Baku to the Iranian oil terminal on Kharg Island. This route would make the Caspian Sea into a hinterland of the Persian Gulf — and would secure the position of Iran and other Persian Gulf countries in the centre of the world oil economy. Some oil companies supported this Iranian plan because the Iranian route was estimated to be the cheapest. They also argued that this pipeline would give them more power within Iran — strengthening imperialist control over that important country. The US — and specifically the Clinton White House — was determined to oppose any "north/south" pipelines. The White House adopted a plan, cooked up by long-time ruling class strategist Zbigniew Brzezinski, to create an "east-west" pipeline which would bypass both Russia and Iran. The US-proposed pipeline would start in Baku and travel west through Azerbaijan. It would deliberately take a detour around Armenia, a Russian ally. The pipeline would circle into Georgia, and then travel southwest across Turkey, ending in a port near Ceyhan on the eastern Mediterranean. US planners also propose a second pipeline — for natural gas — traveling over 1,000 miles from Turkmenistan to the Turkish city of Erzurum. Turkey would play a pivotal role in this US plan, and not just because Caspian oil would be passing through Turkish territory. In the manoeuvring to develop the Ceyhan pipeline, Turkey's Government and military has been assigned the task of infiltrating and politically influencing Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan — the "Newly Independent States" (NIS) that will be producing the oil. Turkey was chosen for this because it is considered a "reliable ally" of the US and Germany — it is firmly dominated by US and German imperialism and overseen by a fascist military that operates within NATO. In addition, the majority population of Turkey is closely related — by language and culture — to the Turkic peoples of Central Asia, including the peoples of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. For five years, the US pressured the Caspian regional governments to endorse the Baku-to-Ceyhan route and pressured the international oil monopolies to finance it. Meanwhile, it renewed its support for the Turkish Government's military and political campaign to suppress the Kurdish people — whose lands in Turkey are designated as the route for the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline. Strategic interests "For the oil companies, the chosen route must be profitable. But for the Clinton administration, the prime concern has been strategic" — New York Times, November 21, 1999. From the beginning, the major oil monopolies of the world had deep misgivings about the White House plan for a Baku-Ceyhan pipeline, which, on paper at least, they were expected to finance. They were concerned that the Baku-Ceyhan route was the most expensive route proposed — possibly exceeding US$4 billion, almost twice the estimated cost of the Baku to Kharg route, proposed by Iran. The oil companies were also concerned that the volume of oil passing through the the Baku-Ceyhan route might not be enough to make it profitable — especially if oil prices stay low and other pipelines are also built in the Caspian region. In November 1998, Russia, Kazakhstan and Chevron agreed to build a US$2 billion pipeline from Tengiz to the Russian port of Novorossisk. Would the larger Tengiz oilfield send its oil out through Russia, leaving the Ceyhan route with only the Baku output? The US Government was determined to bring the oil companies "on board", saying that there were global, geo-strategic interests at stake here — specifically, who would control the energy resources of the world. First, the US Government simply and firmly ruled out any Iranian pipeline. They announced they would not lift their embargo on Iran and would not allow US companies to participate in any major projects there. That was the end of the Iranian pipeline. Then the Russian plans for the northern pipeline "suddenly" ran into huge problems: War broke out in Chechnya, a border area of Russia where oil from Baku travels on its way to the Russian Black Sea port of Novorossisk. The war as suddenly extended into Dagestan in August 1999 — just as the aging Baku-Novorossisk pipeline broke down and the Russian oil corporations were trying to move Baku's oil through Dagestan by rail. Plans for northern Russian-controlled oil pipelines have been torpedoed by this fighting — during exactly the time frame when the oil companies have to decide on which pipeline to begin building. The Russian Defence Minister says the US wants the "permanent smouldering of a manageable armed conflict" in the region. Clearly, the war in Chechnya was very useful for US plans in the Caspian. Meanwhile, with US support, a new pipeline was opened between Baku and the Georgian port of Supsa in April 1999. This pipeline will carry the Baku oil that was previously passing north through Chechnya and Dagestan. The opening of the Supsa pipeline means that oil will be able to flow out of Azerbaijan — regardless of whether Russia regains control of Chechnya or not. This Supsa pipeline is small, and cannot carry the massive output expected by 2004 — but it will handle much of the production until the Ceyhan pipeline is in place. The new Supsa pipeline is especially useful in providing for the oil needs of Ukraine, and helping the US pry this large country further away from Russia. Finally, the Turkish Government cynically announced that it had "discovered" major environmental problems with letting huge oil tankers pass through the Bosphorus straits — the mouth of the Black Sea which Turkey controls. In other words, Turkey is threatening to stop oil-tankers from using Novorossisk, which quickly made investors wary of building a pipeline that ended there. After all these developments, the only pipeline that seemed practical was suddenly the US-backed Baku to Ceyban route. The oil companies and the Caspian oil-producing countries had been presented with "an offer they could not refuse".* * * The second and final part of this article will be published next week.