The Guardian February 28, 2001


Bombing for dollars

by Michel Chossudovsky*

As billions flowed to oil and defence companies — bombing of Baghdad 
staved off financial uncertainty.

On Friday February 16, spurred on by the dot-com implosion and the 
climactic downfall of Nortel Networks Corporation, the World's leader in 
fibre optics, the value of high tech stocks plummeted on Wall Street in 
turbulent trading. The NASDAQ stock index declined by more than five 
percent to a record low.

But it could have been much worse. Did the bombing of Baghdad pull Wall 
Street out of danger? In fact it did more than that. It put billions of 
dollars into the deep pockets of Defence contractors and oil companies.

Warnings from Wall Street

In the days leading up to the February 16 near-meltdown, stock market 
analysts had warned of a worst-case scenario. High tech stocks were heavily 
overvalued.

But that day at 1.00pm, a few hours before trading closed on the New York 
Stock Exchange, American and British warplanes bombed Baghdad in what the 
Pentagon described as "a routine mission of self-defence".

Routine self defence? The US media applauded. And on Wall Street, brokers 
did more than applaud; they gasped with relief. For in a cruel irony, the 
bombing raids had saved the day. As one British financial analyst noted 
with contempt:

"... the American market didn't collapse. It didn't plummet. Indeed, the 
fall was less than one per cent. This was a routine day — unless you 
happened to live in Baghdad."1

Meanwhile, with telecom and computer stocks in the doldrums, financial and 
defence analysts had been working hard to rebuild "confidence in the stock 
market":

"Makers of the nation's warfare technologies along with Wall Street 
analysts and industry consultants spent a week bragging about new 
opportunities and the likelihood of changes to Pentagon policy that would 
foster growth after 15 years of strained budgets.

What's more, defence and aerospace stocks ended on a high note, climbing 
amid a broad market slump as 24 US and British warplanes struck Iraqi 
military targets using various long-range, precision-guided weapons."2

In the last hours of trading on the 16th, defence stocks spiralled; oil and 
energy stocks boomed following news that Iraq's oil industry might be 
impaired. The value of Exxon, Chevron and Texaco stocks shot up.

Harken Energy Corporation — in which George W Bush served as company 
director and corporate consultant before entering politics — gained 5.4 
percent by the end of trading.

Harken Energy happens to be a key player in Colombian oil (with a multi-
billion dollar US military aid package under "Plan Colombia" on hand to 
protect its investments). Harken Energy CEO Mikel Faulkner is a former 
business associate of George W.

Financial meltdown

The February 16 meltdown was already being predicted at the close of 
trading on the 15th. Business analysts on the evening news said that a 
major "correction" in the value of high tech stocks was "inevitable". The 
financial press had previously hinted that the US defence industry could 
also take a beating if the new Bush Administration were to curtail military 
procurement.

A few days earlier, Lockheed Martin (LMT) —America's largest defence 
contractor — had announced major cuts in its satellite division due to 
"flat demand" in the commercial satellite market.

A company spokesman had reassured Wall Street that Lockheed "was moving in 
the right direction" by shifting financial resources out of its troubled 
commercial (that is, civilian) undertakings into the lucrative production 
of advanced weapon systems.

For weeks, defence contractors had been actively lobbying the new 
Administration. On Tuesday February 12, President Bush promised to hike 
defence spending based on "a comprehensive review of the military". 
According to "The New York Times" (February 12, 2001), George W Bush said:

"He planned to break with Pentagon orthodoxy and create 'a new architecture 
for the defence of America and our allies', investing in new technologies 
and weapons systems rather than making `marginal improvements' for systems 
in which America's arms industry has invested billions of dollars."

On the 14th, he confirmed "a $2.6 billion increase in the Pentagon's budget 
as a `down payment' on new-weapons research and development."3

And two days later Baghdad was bombed by the US Air Force.

The raids were a signal to Wall Street that Bush's promise "to revitalise 
the nation's defence" should be taken seriously. Had the Bush 
administration decided otherwise, Lockheed Martin's listing on the New York 
Stock exchange might well have experienced the same fate as that of Nortel.

In fact, while (civilian) high tech stocks (quoted on the NASDAQ) had 
plummeted, Lockheed Martin stocks ended the day up a comfortable 1.6 
percent.

Meanwhile, the F-22 Raptor high tech fighter jet was already scheduled — 
pending the Administration's final approval — to be assembled (at an 
estimated cost of US$60 billion) at Lockheed Martin Marietta's plant in 
Georgia:

"Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld was an F-22 advocate before joining the 
Bush administration, and Lockheed officials said Thursday [February 15, one 
day before the raids on Baghdad] they are confident Rumsfeld will support 
the technologically advanced plane."4

The message to financial markets was crystal clear: the bear market was 
hitting "civilian" high tech stocks including Nortel, Dell Computers and 
Hewlett Packard; but defence industry listings — including Boeing, General 
Dynamics, Lockheed Martin, Northrop-Grumman and Raytheon (the "Big Five" 
defence contractors) — remained "safe" and "promising." (i.e. "a good 
place to put your money").

Wall Street analysts had concluded — without batting an eyelid — that 
"with the Bush administration's focus on defence, there is optimism the 
industry is on target to outperform the market again this year."5

The new buzz phrase on Wall Street is that — despite the slow-down of the 
US Economy — defence stocks constitute "a safe-haven shelter from the dot-
com implosion".

More generally, the assumptions underlying Bush's new defence budget are 
considered "good for business": no wonder pension funds and institutional 
investors are busy changing the structure of their portfolios!

New World "Order"

War and globalisation go hand in hand. Militarisation is an integral part 
of the neoliberal agenda.

The build-up of the defence budget contributes to beefing up the "Big Five" 
US defence contractors, while denying financial resources to civilian 
programs including health, education and social welfare not to mention the 
rebuilding of America's deteriorating urban infrastructure.

Whereas defence production has spiralled, recession has hit the sectors of 
the US economy which produce "civilian" consumer goods and services.

The US domestic economy increasingly hinges on the military industrial 
complex and the sale of luxury goods (travel, leisure, luxury cars, etc). 
And this satisfies the financial establishment irrespective of the needs of 
ordinary people.

The bombing raids on Baghdad were certainly intended to intimidate 
countries committed to ending the sanctions on Iraq. But more generally, 
"missile diplomacy" is applied to enforce American political and economic 
domination under the guise of what is euphemistically called "the free 
market."

"The hidden hand of the market will never work without a hidden fist", 
"McDonald's cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas, the designer of the 
F-15."6

And America's war machine is used in support of the conquest of new 
economic frontiers.

In the Middle East, the Balkans and Central Asia, the US military is 
positioning itself directly and through NATO not only to support the 
interests of the Anglo-American oil conglomerates, which are working hand 
in glove with defence contractors in lucrative joint ventures, but to 
further colonise the former Soviet Union and Asian countries.

Meanwhile, spiralling defence spending pours wealth into the military 
industrial complex at the expense of civilian needs.

* * *
* Michel Chossudovsky is Professor of Economics, University of Ottawa, and author of "The Globalization of Poverty", second edition, Common Courage Press, 2001. NOTES 1. Sunday Mail, London, 18 February 2001. 2 Reuters, 16 February 2001. About 80 warplanes were involved, of which 24 were strike aircraft. See Financial Times, 17 February 2001. 3 "Bush Vows To Modernize Military After Pentagon Review Is Completed", The Bulletin's Frontrunner, 14 February 2001. 4 Dave Hirschman, "F-22's Fate to be Decided Next Month; Not on hold: Bush's Defence Review won't delay Judgment on Raptor", The Atlanta Journal and Constitution, 16 February 2001. 5 The Nightly Business Report, NPR, 19 February 2001. 6 Thomas L Friedman, A Manifesto for the Fast World, New York Times Magazine, Mar. 28, 1999. Copyright by Michel Chossudovsky, Ottawa, February 2001. All rights reserved. Permission is granted to post this text on non-commercial community internet sites, provided the essay remains intact and the copyright note is displayed. To publish this text in printed and/or other form, contact the author at chossudovsky@videotron.ca, fax: 1-514-4256224. This and other articles by Professor Chossudovsky can be found on the Emperors Clothes website: http://emperors-clothes.com or www.tenc.net You can join Emperors Clothes email list at: http://emperors-clothes.com/feedback.htm. Important articles will be sent to you two or three times a week.

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