The Guardian May 15, 2002


Latvia: the politics of "ethnic cleansing"

by Vera Butler

In numerous countries which had been under Nazi occupation during World War 
II, notably France, Holland, Belgium, Denmark, Norway, and the Soviet 
Union, collaborators were brought to account at war's end. The trials of 
Barbie, Dr Mengele, and Papon in France are more recent examples. Yet post-
Soviet Latvia appears intent on turning the tables — retired Soviet 
combatants are now singled out for revenge by the new proto-fascist 
leadership.

Recent sentences meted out by Latvian courts to Soviet war veterans raise 
concerns that the fascist tradition of the 1930s is reasserting itself.

An 86-year-old veteran of World War II, Vasili Kononov, has been sentenced 
by a Latvian court to a harsh six-year prison term for alleged "war 
crimes".

In 1941 Kononov had joined the partisans, who inflicted considerable losses 
on Nazi armies and their collaborators throughout German-occupied 
territories, including the Baltic states.

Another war veteran, 84-year-old Mikhail Farbtuch, a former Soviet 
prosecutor, was carried on a stretcher from his flat to prison, where the 
incapacitated man was to commence a five year prison term.

In both cases the accusations pivoted around a new legal concept: "Genocide 
of the Latvian people".

Would members of Britain's Bomber Command stand accused of having committed 
genocide of German civilians, when bombing Wuppertal, Hamburg, or Dresden ? 
If memories have to be refreshed in Riga, the enemy was Nazi Germany, not 
the Soviet Union, the wartime ally whose contribution to the defeat of the 
Wehrmacht is beyond dispute.

Yes, there was no mercy for collaborators with Hitler's hordes, whose 
treachery cost the lives of combattants in the front line. Moreover, 
members of the Latvian SS Division "Daugavas vanagi" (Falcons of the Dvina 
River) were responsible for the brutal murders of Latvian citizens of 
Jewish, Gypsy, or Russian origin, and Soviet prisoners of war, in 
concentration camps such as Salaspils, near Riga.

The Russian Foreign Ministry noted that Farbtuch had acted in accordance 
with the laws of the Soviet Union, and that he — an individual — was now 
being made the victim of "historical revanchism", directed against Soviet 
rule in the Baltic, from 1940 to 1991.

However, the Farbtuch case is not an isolated one; more prosecutions are 
listed in Latvian courts.

The sentences are indicative of a sharp turn to the right by the government 
of Prime Minister Andris Berzins.

Yet as anti-fascists are sent to prison, the so-called "Association of 
Latvian Warriors" — veterans of the Latvian Waffen-SS — organise 
commemmorative marches through the capital, Riga. They are receiving German 
war pensions, which allow for a comfortable life in poverty-stricken post-
Soviet Latvia.

In the eyes of Allied war veterans who have survived the campaigns against 
Hitler's hordes in North Africa, Italy, and on the beaches of Normandy, 
this is a disturbing turn of events. The reaction of Red Army veterans is 
no different.

Will the current ultra-nationalist Latvian leadership get away with its 
revanchist policies and be deemed fit to become a member of the European 
Union ?

Fishing in murky waters

Recent Russian press reports draw attention to Latvian practices involving 
various degrees of intimidation against ethnic Russians active in their 
communities as journalists, teachers, or youth leaders. They are harrassed 
by the security services, are interrogated without reasons given, have 
their flats or offices ransacked.

In late August 2000 the Latvian cabinet ratified rules applying to the law 
of the "national language". Command of Latvian is a pre-condition for 
granting citizenship to Russian speakers, even if born in Latvia, and 
including people who have lived and worked there for half a century.

The first hurdle is the need to learn the Latin alphabet, as Latvian is not 
written in cyrillics, as is Russian.

Secondly, Latvian — an ancient Indo-European language — is complex and 
difficult to learn. An examination system checks not only oral and written 
language proficiency, but also knowledge of Latvian history.

The elderly and working people, men or women, have great difficulties to 
cope. Language now becomes, de facto, a bureaucratic device for 
implementing an exclusionist policy against minorities.

Meanwhile non-citizens are exposed to various forms of discrimination, 
notably exclusion from certain occupations(lawyers, pharmacists, 
firefighters, airline crews), denial of the right to vote or stand for 
election., or entitlement to unemployment benefits.

Moreover, Latvian will be the only means of communication in government 
departments and courts of law, and although individuals will have the right 
to use interpreters, these would have to be hired at private expense.

In March 1998, Latvian truncheon-wielding police dispersed a mass 
demonstration of Russian residents, protesting in front of the Latvian 
parliament against the punitive nature of the envisaged language laws.

Their concerns were justified: by 2003/2004 all Russian language state 
schools are to be changed over to Latvian as the teaching language.

These oppressive policies are calculated to create intolerable living 
conditions for a substantial national minority. Their effect is tantamount 
to "ethnic cleansing".

The current situation in Latvia is especially deplorable, considering that 
for many decades the various ethnic groups lived peacefully side-by-side, 
intermarried, and had equal rights as Soviet citizens to study, work or 
travel throughout the Union.

Today Russians, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, and Georgians are denigrated as 
"occupants" and told to "go home".

It needs stressing that by far not all Latvians take a hostile attitude to 
their Russian-speaking neighbours or workmates, or approve of the exclusion 
of the Russian language from the education system, where it remains a 
source of learning in the absence of Latvian translations of scientific and 
technical literature.

The politics of "ethnic cleansing" is very much imposed from above and 
seeks to twist a multicultural community with a long historical tradition 
into the introvert confines of monoculturalism.

Will the revival of a proto-fascist philosophy preclude membership of the 
European Union?

Out of step with EU

The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union stipulates that 
"everyone is equal before the law" (Art.20), and

"Any discrimination based on any ground such as sex, race, colour, ethnic 
or social origin, genetic features, language, religion or belief, political 
or any other opinion, membership of a national minority, property, birth, 
disability, age, or sexual orientation, shall be prohibited." (Art.21)

The Charter further states that "the Union shall respect cultural, 
religious, and linguistic diversity." (Art.22).

The European Commission's position on "Countering Racism, Xenophobia, and 
Anti-Semitism in the Candidate Countries", of May 26, 1999, is outlined in 
Art.14 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental 
Freedoms:

"The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in this Convention 
shall be secured without discrimination on any grounds such as sex, race, 
colour, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social 
origin, association with a national minority, property, birth or other 
status."

According to European Commission data of mid-1997, minorities in Latvia 
accounted for nearly 44% of the population, including 30% Russians, 4% 
Byelorussians and 3% Ukrainians.

It is noted that Latvians are in a minority in seven of the country's eight 
largest towns. Within the 44% of non-Latvians, 28% or some 685,000 people 
do not have Latvian citizenship.

Manifestly there are serious discrepancies between the Commission's focus 
on formal Latvian government policies and legal provisions on the one hand, 
and their implementations in practice, on the other.

Already back in 1995 the European Union requested changes in the first set 
of Latvian language requirements for citizenship. This resulted in some 
cosmetic adjustments which did not change the fundamental policy direction.

The practice of systematic abuse of the non-Latvian community, including 
intimidation and curtailment of language rights, is so blatant that it can 
hardly escape the notice of EU observers who monitor Latvia's formal 
compliance with EU guidelines.

The question arises whether, in fact, the European Union is averse to 
current xenophobic policies and practices in Latvia, considering that their 
end-effect must be a substantial reduction of the Russian ethnic presence 
on a "voluntary" basis.

Are there concerns that a demographic link reinforces the Russian 
Federation's geopolitical and strategic claims to a presence in the Baltic 
region?

A reduction of non-Latvians would markedly strengthen the core population's 
claims to dominance. Both the OSCE and NATO consider such an outcome 
propitious to Western interests, should territorial contests arise in 
future. The principles of human rights and multiculturalism may well come 
secondary to overarching strategic interests.

Does history repeat itself?

When the newly constituted Baltic nations — Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania 
— were granted independence at the Versailles conference, in 1918, they 
became part of Clemenceau's ill-famed "cordon sanitaire" against 
revolutionary Russia.

Although the post-Soviet Russian Federation today stands by the concept of 
voluntary association (of the kind which has developed with Byelorussia), 
it remains a formidable military power and an important trading partner 
with the Baltic region.

No doubt the EU, OSCE, and NATO are conscious of the fact that the Baltic 
states were part of the Soviet Union from 1940 to 1991, and Western 
advances are being interpreted as hostile acts by sections of Russia's 
military.

A change of government in Moscow might be less accommodating than was 
Yeltsin, or than President Putin is at present.

Seen in this context, ethno-chauvinistic policies which reduce a Russian 
presence in the Baltic might well be condoned and might not stand in the 
way of Latvia's speedy admission to the EU.

Without some tacit understanding with Brussels, it is difficult to see that 
Latvian governments would risk delaying membership by overtly contravening 
EU principles and guidelines for multicultural policies, as they do at 
present.

Policy developments, and in particular the foreshadowed elimination of the 
Russian language from the school system, will challenge the European 
Commission's determination to uphold its principles in the face of 
political expediency.

In this context it is noteworthy that the OSCE has spared no efforts 
convincing the Macedonian government to have Albanian recognised as an 
official language, to accommodate the wishes of 30% of its population. 
Within the European Union Belgium ensures language equality for its Flemish 
citizens and the French-speaking Vallons.

Perhaps the classic example of multiculturalism is Switzerland, where 
German, French and Italian have equal language rights. Latvia, it seems, 
has still a lot to learn.

Under the German occupation 1941 — 1944 Latvian allegiances were divided 
between supporters of the Soviet and Allied war effort, and those who 
joined the Nazi juggernaut and turned executioners of "undesirable" Latvian 
citizens, primarily Jews, Gypsies, communists, but also Soviet prisoners of 
war, at the notorious Salaspils concentration camp where inmates were 
tortured, executed, or died of malnutrition.

Today they cannot testify in their own cause, but their tragic fate should 
serve as a warning against the resurgence of ethno-chauvinism, the 
precursor of fascism.

Ultimately it seems largely irrelevant to engage in slinging matches, or 
dig up a past which can only exacerbate the current controversy. What 
matters is the future of all people inhabiting a country rich in history 
and cultural heritage, to which many ethnic groups contributed over the 
centuries.

Whatever the political orientation of post-Soviet Latvian governments, 
Russia remains a neighbour, and Latvia might consider following the Finnish 
example of extensive economic and cultural cooperation with Russia, to 
mutual benefit.

No doubt this will be the course taken by a new generation, unencumbered by 
memories and old hatreds.

* * *
Australian International Studies Association.

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