The Israeli fence is not going to deliver
by Adam Keller The main news item in Israel today (June 16) is the fence, the celebrated "security fence" which the army is about to start erecting somewhere around the site of the Green Line, Israel's pre-'67 border, and which was the subject of a stormy debate at this morning's session of the Israeli cabinet. The settlers and their allies on the extreme right are up in arms about it, regarding erection of the fence as harbinger of Israeli withdrawal to the 1967 borders and the creation of a Palestinian state — their worst nightmare. For the same reason, quite a few people who consider themselves supporters of peace and opponents of the occupation are supporting the fence — in fact, there had been activists intensively lobbying over the past year for such a fence to be erected, and quite a few politicians hope to make political capital out of it. For such people, today is a time of celebration. Looking dispassionately at what Defence Minister Ben-Eliezer is actually launching today, with the approval of Prime Minister Sharon, both the doves' euphoria and the settlers' alarm seem highly premature and misplaced. For one thing, the fence is not exactly following the line of the pre-'67 border. In many places it departs from it by "a few kilometres here and there" — changes which are airily taken by politicians and generals who draw lines on a map. But on the ground mean that in dozens of villages barbed wires and minefields will suddenly appear to separate Palestinian peasants from their ancestral lands, peasants already hard-pressed by the events of the past two years and for whom these lands are the last remaining source of subsistence. In the area of Jerusalem, the intended line of the fence has nothing whatsoever to do with where the 1967 border was. Rather, its aim is to entrench the annexation of 1967, with the barbed wire separating the 200,000 Palestinian inhabitants of East Jerusalem from their brethren in Bethlehem to the south, Ramallah to the north, and a host of villages and suburbs all around. For a Muslim or Christian inhabitant of the West Bank, visiting a Jerusalem shrine of one's faith — at present a difficult and risky endeavour, but still possible — would become truly impossible, once the fence is complete on all sides. Moreover, erection of a fence does not in itself mean that the army is going any time soon to withdraw behind that fence, or even to cease its prolonged incursions and invasions into Palestinian cities. In fact, Sharon had said quite clearly, over and over again, that this is NOT going to happen, that the army is not about to withdraw from anywhere, nor is any settlement going to be dismantled by the present government. There is, in fact, an obvious precedent: the Gaza Strip is already for many years surrounded on all sides by a fence — which makes it a huge prison for hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, but it does not prevent Israeli settlers from keeping control over a full third of the strip's meager land. As a result large military forces go on killing and getting killed, day after day, in order to maintain these settlements in place. Last Thursday soldiers guarding the settlement of Netzarim, shot and killed a nine-year-old Palestinian child, in an incident which found hardly any mention on the Israeli or international press. This morning, a Yediot Aharonot headline hailed as heroes two soldiers killed last night "in defence of Dugit" — Dugit being a place in the north Gaza Strip inhabited by disgruntled settlers, who have long since given up and asked the government, repeatedly and in vain, to evacuate them. The fate of Gaza seems to be what Sharon has in mind for the West Bank as well — with the added complication that in addition to the fence on its outside the West Bank is to be divided and sub-divided into smaller and smaller enclaves, a process which is already well-advanced. (In a chance conversation with a contact in Hebron, we today heard of Beit Anun villagers bombarded with tear gas when they tried to get to their fields and vineyards, and of dedicated teachers transporting matriculation exam forms to the cut-off villages, on the backs of donkeys moving through steep mountain paths.) An Israeli population which lives under the constant threat of suicide bombings finds little room for empathy with the plight of Palestinians under occupation. With a complete distrust of the other side and the hope for peace at its lowest, the concept of "separation" makes the idea of a "Separation Fence" popular among broad parts of the Israeli public. Yet without an end to the occupation, "separation" will not bring about security. And with a true end to occupation there will be no need for a 'Chinese Wall'.* * * Gush Shalom (Israeli peace group)