North Korea challenges US to sign non-aggression treaty

The Foreign Ministry of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) 
released the following statement in Pyongyang, October 25, regarding the 
nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula.

New dramatic changes have taken place in the situation on the Korean 
Peninsula and the rest of Northeast Asia in the new century.

Inter-Korean relations and the DPRK's relations with Russia, China and 
Japan have entered a new important phase, bold measures have been taken to 
reconnect inter-Korean railroads which have remained cut for over half a 
century, and settle the past with Japan and do away with the leftovers of 
the last century.

The DPRK has taken a series of new steps in economic management and adopted 
one measure after another to re-energise the economy, including the 
establishment of a special economic region, in conformity with the changed 
situation and specific conditions of the country.

These developments contribute practically to peace in Asia and the rest of 
the world.

Almost all the countries, except for the United States, welcomed and hailed 
them, a great encouragement to the DPRK.

It was against this backdrop that the DPRK recently received a special 
envoy of the US President in the hope that this might help fundamentally to 
solve the hostile relations with the US and settle outstanding issues on an 
equal footing.

Regretfully, the Pyongyang visit of the special envoy convinced the DPRK 
that the hostile attempt of the Bush administration to stifle the DPRK by 
force and back-pedal on the positive development of the situation in the 
Korean Peninsula and the rest of Northeast Asia has gone to the extremes.

Producing no evidence, he asserted that the DPRK has been actively engaged 
in the enriched uranium program in pursuit of possessing nuclear weapons in 
violation of the DPRK-US agreed framework.

He even intimidated the DPRK side by saying that there would be no dialogue 
with the US unless the DPRK halts it, and the DPRK-Japan, and north-south 
[Korean] relations would be jeopardised.

The US attitude was so unilateral and high-handed that the DPRK was stunned 
by it.

The US is seriously mistaken if it thinks such a brigandish attitude — 
reminding one of a thief crying "stop the thief" — would work on the DPRK.

As far as the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula is concerned, it 
cropped up as the US has massively stockpiled nuclear weapons in South 
Korea and its vicinity and threatened the DPRK, a small country, with those 
weapons for nearly half a century, pursuing a hostile policy toward it in 
accordance with the strategy for world supremacy.

The DPRK-US agreed framework was adopted in October 1994, but the US has 
been deprived of the right to talk about the implementation of the 
framework since then.

Under article 1 of the framework the US is obliged to provide light water 
reactors (LWRs) to the DPRK by the year 2003 in return for the DPRK's 
freezing of graphite moderated reactors and their related facilities.

But only site preparation for the LWR was made, though eight years have 
passed since the DPRK froze its nuclear facilities.

This will bring the DPRK an annual loss of 1,000 mw(e) in 2003 when light 
water reactor No.1 is scheduled to be completed and that of 2000 mw(e) from 
the next year.

Under article 2 of the framework the two sides are obliged to move toward 
full normalisation of political and economic relations. Over the last eight 
years, however, the US has persistently pursued the hostile policy toward 
the DPRK and maintained economic sanctions on it. The former has gone the 
length of listing the latter as part of the "axis of evil".

Under article 3 of the framework the US is obliged to give formal 
assurances to the DPRK against the threat or use of nuclear weapons by the 
US however, the US listed the DPRK as a target of its pre-emptive nuclear 
attack.

Under article 4 of the framework and paragraph G of its confidential minute 
the DPRK is to allow nuclear inspections only after the "delivery of 
essential non-nuclear components for the first LWR unit, including turbines 
and generators" is completed.

But, the US has already come out with a unilateral demand for nuclear 
inspection in a bid to convince the international community of the DPRK's 
violation of the framework.

This compelled the DPRK to make public the confidential minute for the 
first time.

The US has, in the final analysis, observed none of the four articles of 
the framework.

It is only the US that can know whether it had willingness to implement the 
framework when it was adopted or [or whether it] put a signature to it 
without sincerity, calculating that the DPRK would collapse sooner or 
later.

However, the Bush administration listed the DPRK as part of the "axis of 
evil" and a target of the US pre-emptive nuclear strikes. This was a clear 
declaration of a war against the DPRK as it totally nullified the DPRK-US 
joint statement and agreed framework.

In the long run, the Bush administration has adopted it as its policy to 
make a pre-emptive nuclear strike at the DPRK. Such moves, a gross 
violation of the basic spirit of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, 
reduced the inter-Korean joint declaration on denuclearisation to a dead 
document.

Its reckless political, economic and military pressure is most seriously 
threatening the DPRK's right to existence, creating a grave situation on 
the Korean Peninsula.

Nobody would be so naive as to think that the DPRK would sit idle under 
such situation.

That was why the DPRK made itself very clear to the special envoy of the US 
President that the DPRK was entitled to possess not only nuclear weapons 
but any type of weapon more powerful than that so as to defend its 
sovereignty and right to existence from the ever-growing nuclear threat by 
the US

The DPRK, which values sovereignty more than life, was left with no other 
proper answer to the US behaving so arrogantly and impertinently.

The DPRK has neither need nor duty to explain something to the US, which 
seeks to attack the DPRK if it refuses to disarm itself.

Nevertheless, the DPRK, with greatest magnanimity, clarified that it was 
ready to seek a negotiated settlement of this issue on the following three 
conditions: firstly, if the US recognises the DPRK's sovereignty; secondly, 
if it assures the DPRK of non-aggression; and thirdly, if the US does not 
hinder the economic development of the DPRK.

Nowadays, the US and its followers assert that negotiations should be held 
after the DPRK puts down its arms. This is a very abnormal logic.

Then, how can the DPRK counter any attack with empty hands?

Their assertion is little short of demanding the DPRK yield to pressure, 
which means death.

Nobody can match anyone ready to die. This is the faith and will of the 
army and people of the DPRK determined to remain true to the army-based 
policy to the last.

The position of the DPRK is invariable. The DPRK considers that it is a 
reasonable and realistic solution to the nuclear issue to conclude a non-
aggression treaty between the DPRK and the US if the grave situation of the 
Korean Peninsula is to be bridged over.

If the US legally assures the DPRK of non-aggression, including the non-use 
of nuclear weapons against it by concluding such treaty, the DPRK will be 
ready to clear the former of its security concerns.

The settlement of all problems with the DPRK, a small country, should be 
based on removing any threat to its sovereignty and right to existence.

There may be negotiations or the use of deterrent force to be consistent 
with this basis, but the DPRK wants the former, as far as possible.